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(AUSTRALIA) Four Corners 60yrs Onward Report: Has faced the wrath of both sides of politics. 60 years on, it’s needed more than ever as EVIL’S rule over the earth has got stronger #AceNewsDesk report

#AceNewsReport – Aug.17: As we celebrate the 60th birthday of our much-loved program, the Four Corners team believes that the quality journalism it represents has never been more essential to the health of our democracy:

#AceDailyNews says ‘The Truth Will Set You Free’ as …The prime minister was livid as he stared down a hapless senior executive at the ABC. The cause of his ire was a program that had recently aired on the broadcaster’s flagship current affairs program, Four Corners: Watch a special 60th anniversary episode tomorrow night at 8:30pm.This article draws in part on recollections in The Stories that Changed Australia: Fifty Years of Four Corners.

Play Video. Duration: 45 seconds
To mark the program’s extraordinary milestone, Four Corners will broadcast a special episode with highlights from the show’s six decades.

‘I know about you and your Four Corners’, the PM fumed. ‘And I want you to know that I know, and my ministers know, that the sole reason for that wretched program is to discredit me and my government.’

So who was the prime minister and what was the year?’

It might have been Scott Morrison in 2021 venting about a Four Corners story on his friend, an avowed QAnon supporter.

Or Bob Hawke in 1983, incensed over the explosive NSW corruption story The Big League and its allegations about then NSW premier Neville Wran.

Or John Howard in 2001, fulminating about revelations of political skullduggery by senior figures in the Liberal Party in Party Tricks, which was sensationally pulled ahead of broadcast by then ABC boss Jonathan Shier.

The list of possibilities goes on, and on.

In fact, the year was 1963, and the prime minister was Robert Menzies, then well into his second decade in power and in high dudgeon over a Four Corners expose on the extraordinary influence then wielded by the seemingly untouchable RSL.

It was the first time, but by no means the last, that Four Corners would feel the wrath of the government of the day.

Play Video. Duration: 3 minutes 11 seconds
Four Corners is the longest running series on Australian television and a powerhouse of investigative journalism.

For 60 years this month, governments of all persuasions have been scrutinised and scandalised by Four Corners in countless stories exposing corruption, ineptitude, injustice, conflict of interest and abuse of power.

It’s exactly what the program is intended to do, and it’s what it does best: Holding the powerful to account, telling truth to power, without fear or favour.

As the latest in a long line of journalists who’ve been privileged to hold the role of Executive Producer, I’ve heard all the war stories and experienced first-hand the attempts by governments – state, federal and foreign – to pressure, coax and intimidate Four Corners and the ABC over stories that reflect poorly on their use of power.

In the 1990s, as a newcomer to the program, I reported on Victoria’s pugnacious premier Jeff Kennett, his relationship with the founders of Melbourne’s Crown casino and his family’s share dealings in a listed ASX company, Guangdong Corporation.

Play Video. Duration: 2 minutes 5 seconds
Then-Victorian Premier Jeff Kennett criticising Four Corners and Sally Neighbour ahead of the 1997 episode Kennett’s Culture.

Kennett was ropeable, lambasting Four Corners as “that awful bloody program” and our story as “an hour of slime” (a phrase we gleefully purloined for our on-air promo).

Twenty-five years later, as Executive Producer, I oversaw Louise Milligan’s controversial story Inside the Canberra Bubble, which exposed the toxic atmosphere for women working at Canberra’s Parliament House, and her follow-up piece Bursting the Canberra Bubble, which reported on the historic rape allegation against former attorney-general Christian Porter, which he denies.

Play Video. Duration: 56 minutes 2 seconds
Inside the Canberra Bubble questioned the conduct of some of the most senior politicians in the nation.

Those stories provoked an intense campaign behind the scenes from within the government to pressure the ABC board and management over Four Corners’ coverage.

Executive Producer of Four Corners Sally Neighbour in a dark studio.
Sally Neighbour says the program has withstood politically motivated attacks on its reporting for decades.(Four Corners: Harriet Tatham)

I am proud to say that on all those occasions, and many others, Four Corners resisted the political pressure, just as it has for all of its 60 years.

Controversial beginnings

When Four Corners first hit the airwaves on August 19, 1961, not all at the ABC were celebrating. The grandly titled ‘Controller of News’ resented the upstart new show’s encroachment on his fiefdom and famously declared: “This program will go to air over my dead body.” Go to air it did, with a staff of six and a weekly budget of £480 pounds.

The first episode featured a US astronaut discussing America’s first orbital space flight, an interview with Olympic swimmer Jon Konrads and a feature on a popular American harmonica player.

Eager that the new show not upset its political masters, ABC management was satisfied with the debut. The verdict passed on by one relieved middle manager: “That was an excellent program. I don’t think we could have offended anybody.”

Back then the ABC imposed strict constraints on journalists covering politics. They had to request permission from the general manager for any politician to appear on air, and an Opposition MP could only be interviewed if the relevant government minister also appeared.

It didn’t take long for the new program to upset the Menzies government. In 1963, after a story on home ownership, housing minister Sir William Spooner demanded a right of reply, and the ABC’s chairman ordered the program to oblige.

Presenter Michael Charlton told viewers the show had been “instructed” to give Spooner his say, “and here he is”. The interview went to air uncut, letting Spooner ‘drone on and on’ for nearly half an hour. “It destroyed any credibility he had,” inaugural EP Bob Raymond later recalled, seemingly satisfied. 

Michael Charlton, the first program presenter of Four Corners in 1961.
Michael Charlton, the first program presenter of Four Corners in 1961.

But the story that really riled Menzies was an investigation into the powerful RSL that ran a few months later. The RSL had been a staunch defender of the White Australia Policy and avowed opponent of communism, and according to one minister was the only public organisation in Australia with “direct and regular access to the federal cabinet”.

The Four Corners story included an interview with the editor of the Communist Party newspaper Tribune. It sent the government apoplectic. The reporter was removed from the program, but later reinstated after irate staff signed a petition blaming political pressure and demanding his return.

Play Video
Four Corners report on the Returned Services League’s influential role in politics.

As another of the program’s first reporters, John Penlington, later wrote: “The RSL affair heralded a continuing battle over the program’s and indeed the ABC’s role and commitment to investigative journalism.”

That battle has continued for 60 years. And it’s not only conservative governments that have taken exception to being in the crosshairs of Four Corners.

Four Corners unpopular with both sides of politics

In the 1980s, the Hawke Labor government railed against Four Corners for years, after a series of programs that began with Chris Masters’ landmark expose The Big League.

A story that started as an investigation into dodgy dealings on the football field morphed into explosive allegations of judicial corruption, which implicated NSW Labor premier Neville Wran. In its aftermath, the powerful head of the NSW Rugby League was convicted of fraud and the former chief stipendiary magistrate was jailed for conspiring to pervert the course of justice.

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The Big League began as an investigation into how officials in NSW ran rugby league and uncovered a political and judicial scandal.

The story triggered a royal commission that ultimately exonerated Wran. Many in Labor, especially the powerful NSW Right faction, never forgave Four Corners and the ABC. Their hostility was fuelled by subsequent Four Corners stories on Labor’s agonies over uranium mining policy and on the powerful transport boss Peter Abeles, a good mate of Hawke’s.

Later in the 1980s, Four Corners shifted focus to Joh Bjelke-Petersen’s Queensland, exposing a morass of police corruption reaching all the way to the state’s police commissioner. The day after Chris Masters’ The Moonlight State aired, a judicial inquiry was announced, leading to more than 100 convictions and the jailing of the commissioner himself.

Masters’ journalism helped clean up Queensland – but for that he paid a heavy price. For years afterwards, he and Four Corners were tied up in the courts fighting litigation from enemies he had made while doing his job.

Play Video
The Moonlight State revealed Queensland Police corruption reached all the way up to the Police Commissioner.

Such legal ordeals remain all too common for journalists who dare to dig and then must run the gauntlet of defamation laws that are tilted heavily towards plaintiffs.

Decades on, Four Corners is still shining its light into dark places. In the past five years alone, our programs have prompted royal commissions into the aged care sector, youth detention in the Northern Territory, the banking system and water theft from the Murray Darling Basin.

Four Corners continues to evolve. Today you’ll also find us on iview, Facebook and YouTube, where our stories attract a global audience and our digital storytelling provides world-class online stories with a huge readership.

The current Four Corners team is proud to be among the generations of journalists who’ve maintained the program’s reputation for excellence for 60 years.

For that longevity, we owe a debt of thanks to the people of Australia who have backed the program and stood up for its journalism. Without that loyalty, we wouldn’t have made it this far.

Despite the challenges of COVID-19 restrictions, which have stopped us from travelling and created logistical nightmares for filming, interviewing and editing, we’ve still managed to turn out high-quality stories week after week.

The times ahead look even more challenging for programs like Four Corners. Nightly television audiences are declining. Conspiracy theories peddled online and on social media take hold in a blink.

What we think we know as facts easily get lost in a fog of misinformation. Trust in political leaders and media grows ever more brittle. The traditional media industry is fighting for its life, and media bosses are disinvesting in journalism that doesn’t turn a buck.

#AceNewsDesk report ………Published: Aug.17: 2021:

Editor says …Sterling Publishing & Media Service Agency is not responsible for the content of external site or from any reports, posts or links, and can also be found here on Telegram: https://t.me/acenewsdaily all of our posts fromTwitter can be found here: https://acetwitternews.wordpress.com/ and all wordpress and live posts and links here: https://acenewsroom.wordpress.com/and thanks for following as always appreciate every like, reblog or retweet and free help and guidance tips on your PC software or need help & guidance from our experts AcePCHelp.WordPress.Com

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(MYANMAR) Featured Journalist Coup Report: Investigative journalist Swe Win believes he was targeted by those hiding in the ‘Shadows’ who are ‘bankrolling’ the military after being shot then receiving a chilling message #AceNewsDesk report

#AceNewsReport – July.30: When Swe Win was shot through the leg while on holiday in the west of Myanmar in December 2019, his first thought was that it must have been a stray bullet:The investigative journalist was in the car with his wife and daughter when a shot ricocheted off the car door near the handle………Then, as Swe was preparing to leave Myanmar with his family, he received a chilling message shattering any illusion that his shooting was a random event: Just before boarding a flight from the capital Yangon to Australia, a military intelligence officer pulled him aside, warning it “was not an accident”

#AceDailyNews says investigative journalism & uncovering the shadowy business empire bankrolling Myanmar’s military generals can be a dangerous business Swe Win found out after a bullet was fired at him and soon after he received a message from an officer who said ‘it was not an accident’ soon the attack it was never investigated but Swe believes the order to kill came from the top, from Min Aung Hlaing, the commander-in-chief of Myanmar’s powerful military….

Swe Win.
Swe Win has found refuge in Melbourne amid a crackdown on journalists by the military.(Foreign Correspondent: Liam Cochrane)

A former political prisoner who spent seven years in jail, Swe is the editor and co-founder of Myanmar Now, a bilingual online news outlet.

A bullet wound.
The bullet wound to Swe Win’s leg after he was shot in 2019.(Supplied: Myanmar Now)

[It] came towards my neck,” he tells Foreign Correspondent from his new home in Melbourne, “then got redirected and hit my leg. I immediately thought this must be an accident.”

In the years leading up to his assassination attempt, Swe and his team of 40 journalists had published a swathe of articles exposing the Burmese military’s vast and shadowy business empire. 

One article about the business interests of Min Aung Hlaing’s children had hit a nerve, undercutting the “selfless image” the military leaders tried to project, according to Swe.

“Our stories destroyed that sort of propaganda,” he says. “It’s about the level of corruption within the top echelon of the military establishment. So that infuriated the military generals.” 

Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw, maintains a network of over a hundred business entities spanning most sectors of the nation’s economy, from mining to transport, tourism, telecommunications, banks and even beer. 

It delivers hundreds of millions of dollars in cash into military coffers annually and has become a powerful factor in the military’s enduring grip on power in Myanmar. 

Six months after the military launched a brutal coup to oust the civilian-led government, some observers are calling on the international community including Australia to ratchet up sanctions targeting the junta’s expansive business interests.

“We need to use every means possible to put pressure on the military to get back in the barracks, and the economic side of that is critical,” says Australian lawyer Chris Sidoti.

Uncovering a secret empire

In 2017, Sidoti was part of a United Nations fact-finding team tasked with uncovering evidence of the military’s abuse of Myanmar’s ethnic communities, particularly the Muslim Rohingya.

Sidoti says they found plenty of evidence of war crimes and possibly even genocide. Then they also uncovered something they weren’t looking for — the source of the military’s power. 

As well as identifying business entities, the UN found 15 foreign companies engaged in joint ventures with military businesses and at least 44 others with some form of commercial ties with the Tatmadaw.

Myanmar Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing presides over an army parade
Corporate structures reveal two conglomerates are controlled by the military’s top brass with ultimate authority resting with the Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing.(AP)

For Sidoti, it raised alarming questions about how much control the civilian government could wield over the cashed-up military.

“They were not dependent on the parliament for their funding but they had all these independent means of acquiring wealth for corruption, and also wealth for operations,” he said.

“It was impossible to see how the civilians could gain control over the military when the military had independent access to very substantial sums of money.” 

After the UN team’s report was published, a covert activist group called Justice For Myanmar continued to document the true extent of the military’s business interests, with more than 130 business entities so far identified as linked to the generals.

Two opaque conglomerates are the key to the military’s wealth: Myanmar Economic Holdings (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). 

Justice For Myanmar conservatively estimates the two conglomerates, which are controlled by the military’s top brass with ultimate authority resting with Min Aug Hlaing, funnel at least $435 million to the military annually. 

Since the coup, the military has also taken over control of the lucrative Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), the state’s principal revenue earner forecast to generate more than $2 billion in 2021 to 2022. 

A graphic.
After the UN report, further investigation by Justice for Myanmar and investigative journalists like Swe Win have uncovered more details of the Tatmadaw’s business empire.(Foreign Correspondent: Andres Gomez Isaza)

Sidoti warns if that money falls into the hands of the military, it will further cement the Burmese military’s grip on power and allow it to continue to act with impunity.

“The military has been in a constant state of war with its own people for 70 years now,” he says. “And it’s been able to do this because of its economic wealth.”

A broken system

Thinzar Shunlei Yi knows first-hand just how tight the military’s grip on Myanmar has become. She grew up in a military family and was supportive of the Tatmadaw as a young child. 

Then in her 20s, she became a prominent pro-democracy activist, campaigning against the military’s brutal treatment of ethnic minorities.

Before the coup, Thinzar Shunlei Yi presented a popular youth TV show. 

When the military seized control of the country, shattering its young democracy, Thinzar Shunlei Yi took to the streets along with millions of others to protest. 

A woman speaks into a microphone.
Thinzar Shunlei Yi was a prominent pro-democracy activist before the coup. She’s now been forced into hiding.(Reuters: Ann Wang)

“It was such a shocking time,” she says, “I never thought that it could happen, it was the worst nightmare I could ever have imagined.”

Led by Generation Z, the protesters called for the civilian government to be reinstated but within weeks their demands grew bolder.

“Many young people were dreaming of more than just restoring the civilian government, or to release the civilian leader, they are demanding a bigger future,” she told Foreign Correspondent from a secret location. 

“They wanted to abolish the 2008 constitution. When the coup happened, it gave us space to reshape our future.”

The Tatmadaw has been the most powerful institution since the country’s independence from Britain in 1948 and has had unchecked control over the country’s political system ever since. 

After ruling for nearly 50 years, in 2008 the military held a constitutional referendum, a step in its so-called “roadmap to democracy”.

Protesters with fire.
When the military seized control of the country in February, claiming electoral fraud by Aung Sung San Kyi’s National League of Democracy party, millions of people participated in peaceful protests across the country.(Reuters)

The Green Book, as the constitution became known, preserved the military’s control over the government, guaranteeing it 25 per cent of parliamentary seats and giving it effective veto control over any constitutional reforms.

Apart from its economic wealth, the 2008 constitution also gave the military political power with complete control over three key ministries of Defence, Border Affairs and Home Affairs.

“The 2008 constitution was always the main root cause of the problems in the country,” says Thinzar Shunlei Yi. 

“Because whenever we try to advocate to advance our freedoms … they control what should be there.” 

In April, in response to the people’s demands, a new political force emerged to challenge the military’s reign.

The National Unity Government — currently in exile — is comprised of ousted MPs, leaders of anti-coup protests and members of ethnic minorities. It say it’s the answer to healing a divided country. 

They have abolished the 2008 constitution, recognised the Rohingya and are calling for a federal democratic union. 

Play Video. Duration: 32 seconds
Why young Burmese are risking their lives to protest(Foreign Correspondent)

Zin Mar Aung, a National League of Democracy candidate, was elected to parliament in the November 2020 elections and is now the Foreign Minister in the new government in exile and is also in hiding. 

Having grown up under military dictatorship she spent nine years in solitary confinement after protesting peacefully against the military.

In her first television interview, she told Foreign Correspondent that there will be no compromise with the military. 

“If we win, democracy wins,” she says. “If we lose, the authoritarian will win. It’s the last battle for us and for our country, whether we let the military win or the democracy win. We don’t want our new generation to be under such a brutal military government.” 

Cutting off the cash

As democracy advocates and the National Unity Government continue to push for a political solution, Chris Sidoti says there’s another way to undercut the military’s power. 

With more information now known about the Tatmadaw’s secretive business operations than before, he says targeted sanctions could help unravel its control.

“Cut the arms flow, cut the cash and cut the impunity,” he says. “Sanctions are an essential tool provided they are carefully targeted on the military and the military’s businesses.”

The United States, United Kingdom, European Union and Canada have all started implementing targeted sanctions against the military and senior generals. 

However, Myanmar’s regional neighbours — its biggest foreign investors — have been slow to act.

A defaced placard depicting Myanmar's Commander-in-Chief General Min Aung Hlaing
Despite the UN delivering its groundbreaking report in 2019 and calling for firms and nations to disengage with military affiliated businesses, the report had little traction outside of Myanmar until the coup.(AP: Tatan Syuflana)

Chris Sidoti is particularly scathing of Australia’s lack of action. He says the government imposed sanctions on a number of generals following the UN report but not against Min Aung Hlaing.

“I find it bizarre that after what happened on the 1st of February, there was any longer any excuse whatsoever for not sanctioning the criminal in chief and his deputy,” he says. 

A government report by the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade published in June recommended the Australian government “further consider imposing targeted sanctions upon additional senior figures in the Tatmadaw and Tatmadaw-linked entities including MEC and MEHL”. 

Another recommendation stated that “the Australian government formally engage with groups and individuals representing the legitimately-elected representatives of Myanmar … and the National Unity Government.” 

Zin Mar Aung from the National Unity Government told Foreign Correspondent while some members of parliament had communicated with the National Unity Government, the Australian government had had limited dialogue. 

“Australian government response is quite delayed and not enough pressure. We need to make clear that government is quite slow.” 

A phone app.
From beer brands to banks, Way Way Nay phone app helps Burmese consumers know what businesses are affiliated with military-owned conglomerates.(Supplied)

The Australian government told the ABC “additional sanctions have not been ruled out” and that “Australian officials are engaging with representatives of the ‘National Unity Government’ and plan to continue doing so”.

While the international community remains divided on sanctions, the people of Myanmar are launching their own action to sever the military’s purse strings. 

Apps like”Way Way Nay”, which translates to “stay away”, encourage consumers to boycott military affiliated products. 

Within months of the coup, a mass boycott of Tatmadaw-affiliated beer saw sales plummet by up to 90 per cent, wiping an estimated US$1 billion off the value of its military-linked parent company Myanmar Brewery Limited.

Meanwhile, a nationwide civil disobedience movement led by doctors, teachers and civil servants have launched strikes and shut down public schools and hospitals. 

Manny Maung, a researcher for Human Rights Watch, says the Burmese people understand that “they don’t want these criminals to profit” from money that should be helping run schools and hospitals.

“They do want to bring the economy down to its knees and they know what the consequences are,” says Manny Maung. 

A man meditates.
Swe Win is worried for his journalists still in hiding in Myanmar, where the military has already arrested dozens of reporters.(Foreign Correspondent: Liam Cochrane)

Since the coup, Swe Win’s team of journalists have gone into hiding in Myanmar, fearful of military reprisals, while he manages the team from exile. 

Many journalists are still working covertly inside Myanmar like “underground operatives”, Swe says, shunning cameras in public and being careful to not openly conduct interviews. 

The stakes are high, with more than 900 people including children killed by the military and thousands arrested, including more than 80 journalists. 

“Our work is very dangerous,” Swe says. “We are trying to do as much as we can … to play our roles in fighting against the military rule and giving a more honourable — a more dignified life — for the future generations.” 

Watch Foreign Correspondent’s #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar on YouTube.

#AceNewsDesk report ………Published: July.30: 2021:

Editor says …Sterling Publishing & Media Service Agency is not responsible for the content of external site or from any reports, posts or links, and can also be found here on Telegram: https://t.me/acenewsdaily all of our posts fromTwitter can be found here: https://acetwitternews.wordpress.com/ and all wordpress and live posts and links here: https://acenewsroom.wordpress.com/and thanks for following as always appreciate every like, reblog or retweet and free help and guidance tips on your PC software or need help & guidance from our experts AcePCHelp.WordPress.Com

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(MYANMAR) Press Freedom Report: Since military put Mratt Kyaw Thu on a wanted list because of his critical reporting, his life has been in acute danger and he was forced to flee,” said Katja Gloger, Executive Spokeswoman for RSF Germany #AceNewsDesk report

#AceNewsReport – June.02: We call on the Federal Minister of the Interior Horst Seehofer to take responsibility for Mratt Kyaw Thu’s asylum procedure.”

RSF Report: ‘Asks Germany to let Myanmar journalist Mratt Kyaw Thu apply for asylum after the journalist was able to obtain a Schengen visa at the Spanish embassy of one of Myanmar’s neighbouring countries, but decided to enter Germany during a stopover in Frankfurt’

RSF REPORT:

Thanks, among other things, to a three-week stay in Germany on a Goethe-Institut programme, he has many contacts and is well connected there. When he arrived at Frankfurt airport, he applied for asylum. However, he was refused entry and a Dublin Procedure was initiated, because under the Dublin Regulation he is obliged to file his application in the country of destination, in his case Spain.

At the same time, at the request of the federal police, on 24 April 2021 the Frankfurt District Court issued an order for him to be put into preventive detention. Since that date Mratt Kyaw Thu has been living in a closed refugee accommodation centre at the airport. He had to hand over his mobile phone to the police, he has no internet access and he can only speak to a handful of people.

Germany can take responsibility for the asylum procedure

Article 17 (1) of the Dublin III Regulation provides an EU member state with the possibility, known as the sovereignty clause, to declare itself responsible for processing an asylum procedure even though it would normally not be responsible for this process. So far Germany has systematically applied the sovereignty clause for asylum seekers who entered the country via Greece and for Syrian asylum seekers. In the case of Mratt Kyaw Thu, too, many circumstances speak in favour of applying this possibility.

A broad alliance of people and organizations supporting him argue that granting a journalist like him a place where he can be safe would be a good move not only from a human rights perspective, but also as regards gaining a deeper understanding of the anti-democratic developments in Myanmar. Few journalists are as well connected as he is in the country. International media rely on his knowledge and analysis of the situation there. German broadcaster Deutsche Welle has already offered him a paid internship, and the daily paper tageszeitung (taz) has offered him work on a freelance basis.

RSF published an exclusive interview with Mratt Kyaw Thu last April, in which he explained his dreadful working conditions in %yanmar before he left the country. He became known internationally as one of the few Myanmar journalists to report critically on the persecution of the Rohingya ethnic minority by the country’s military in 2017. He received the AFP news agency’s Kate Webb Prize for his coverage of the crackdown. Since the military coup on 1 February, he has taken the lead in reporting on the pro-democracy movement against the military junta, the Civil Disobedience Movement. He provides daily updates to more than 250,000 people via his Twitter and Telegram channels.

Since the military coup in February there have been numerous serious violations of press freedom in Myanmar. Reporters have been shot at with live ammunition, editorial offices have been raided, and mobile internet has been completely shut down on several occasions.

#AceNewsDesk report ………Published: Jun.02: 2021:

Editor says #AceNewsDesk reports by https://t.me/acenewsdaily and all our posts, also links can be found at here for Twitter and Live Feeds https://acenewsroom.wordpress.com/ and thanks for following as always appreciate every like, reblog or retweet and free help and guidance tips on your PC software or need help & guidance from our experts AcePCHelp.WordPress.Com

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(MYANMAR) JUST IN: Thai Police have arrested three journalists who escaped across the border charging them with illegal entry #AceNewsDesk report

#AceNewsReport – May.12: The reporters worked for the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), a news outlet that had its license to broadcast revoked after the coup in February:

Thai police arrest 3 journalists who fled Myanmar: Fellow journalists have warned their lives could be in danger if they are sent back and authorities on Tuesday confirmed the arrests of three Myanmar journalists who crossed the border to escape the country’s military crackdown.

An activist wears a T-shirt denouncing Myanmar's controversial sweeping telecommunications law
Reporters Report:

The military junta in Myanmar, which ousted the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi , has since tried to silence independent news media.

It has detained some 40 journalists, including at least two who work for DVB.

Crackdown leads to deaths, arrests and displaced people

What happened to the reporters?

DVB said the three were arrested in a random search in the northern city of Chiang Mai.

They are expected to appear in court on Tuesday, faced with charges of illegally entering the country.

Thai Foreign Ministry spokesman Tanee Sangrat said officials were seeking a satisfactory way forward.

“Thai authorities concerned are coordinating to find possible humanitarian solution[s] to this case,” Tanee told reporters.

Appeal against repatriation

The Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Thailand warned that the journalists would face “certain arrest and persecution, if not worse” if they were deported.

“The world is watching what the Thai authorities do in this important case for press freedom in Myanmar and the region,” it said.

DVB also said the three would be in danger. It said they had been covering the demonstrations in Burma, the former name for Myanmar still used by some opponents of military rule, up until early March.

“DVB strongly urges the Thai authorities to not deport them back to Burma, as their life will be in serious danger if they were to return,” the statement said.

A Burmese protester speaks out

What is the Democratic Voice of Burma?

DVB is a well-known news organization in Myanmar that started as an exile media outlet during the previous junta, broadcasting uncensored television and radio reports.

It began operating from Myanmar in 2012, a year after the military dictatorship relaxed its grip on power.

It had its broadcast license revoked in March, sending its journalists into hiding.

Despite this, DVB has continued to report, posting regular updates on its Facebook page about the protests and crackdown.

It also broadcasts via satellite television — something the junta attempted to suppress when it banned domestic satellite dishes.

rc/rt (AP, Reuters)

#AceNewsDesk report ……Published: May.12: 2021:

Editor says #AceNewsDesk reports by https://t.me/acenewsdaily and all our posts, also links can be found at here for Twitter and Live Feeds https://acenewsroom.wordpress.com/ and thanks for following as always appreciate every like, reblog or retweet and free help and guidance tips on your PC software or need help & guidance from our experts AcePCHelp.WordPress.Com